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INTRODUCTION
On October 10,
1905, a crowd of 24,902 packed New York’s
Polo Grounds to watch the hometown Giants play the Philadelphia Athletics in
Game Two of the World Series. Christy Mathewson, the fair-haired pitching ace
of the Giants, had already shut out the A’s, 3–0, the day before
in Philadelphia, to give his team a one-to-nothing lead in the Fall Classic.
Now it was the A’s turn to even the Series.
Philadelphia
manager Connie Mack sent his twenty-two-year-old right-hander Chief Bender
to the mound
against “Iron Man” Joe McGinnity, the
Giants’ number-two starter. Both hurlers had at least eighteen victories
to their credit and could boast of having surrendered fewer than three
runs per game that season. Their mental approach was just as unyielding.
Each man
was a fierce competitor, refusing to give an inch to the opponent, especially
when the stakes were this high. Under the circumstances, even the slightest
advantage would help.
New York’s sportswriters did their part to intimidate. Seizing the opportunity
to belittle the A’s pitcher, who was part Chippewa, the New York American
ran an earlier parody of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s poem “Hiawatha,” predicting
the “scalping of the Chief” by New York. Not to be outdone, Giants
manager John McGraw, a pugnacious Irishman known for his vitriolic bench jockeying,
approached Bender during his warm-up tosses and snapped: “It’ll
be off the warpath for you today, Chief!” Refusing to honor the remark
with a reply, the A’s hurler simply stared back in stolid silence.
Throughout the
game, Bender was forced to endure a running fire of racist epithets from
the bleachers.
Slurs like “Back to the Reservation!” and “Giants
grab heap much wampum!” were inevitably accompanied by imitation
war whoops, creating a despicable scene that went far beyond the
usual ragging
of the opponent by the hometown crowd.
Bender managed
to maintain his composure, holding the powerful Giants lineup to four hits
and completing
a 3–0 shutout to even the Series. Afterward,
when he was asked by a Philadelphia sportswriter if his Chippewa background
was the reason for his remarkable poise under pressure, the A’s pitcher
replied: “I want to be known as a pitcher; not an Indian.” Bender’s
remark appeared the following day in the Philadelphia Inquirer,
accompanied by a cartoon showing him with a large feather protruding
from his
pillbox cap and a tomahawk attached to his belt. He was staring
into the eyes
of a Giants
player and hypnotizing him with an Indian sign.
Even in victory,
Chief Bender was the subject of mock derision. His request to “be known as a pitcher” and “not an Indian” was
just as tragic for a man who unwittingly became a pioneer for Native American
athletes. In the process, he also became Connie Mack’s so-called “money
pitcher,” the hurler he counted on to pitch the single most critical
games during the Athletics’ first championship dynasty
of 1910 to 1914, and one of the greatest pitchers in the history
of
baseball.
By the dawn of
the twentieth century, the white man had come to the conclusion that the
only way to save
the American
Indian was
to extinguish
his culture.
During the previous two centuries, white America had tried
to achieve that objective through missionary efforts, warfare,
disease
and
starvation, the removal of Indians from their tribal land
base, and by fostering
a
culture
of dependence on the reservation. Still, the Indian persevered.
Forcible assimilation was the only weapon that remained in
the federal government’s
arsenal.
The Bureau of
Indian Affairs, the federal agency responsible for assimilation, began by
sending Native
American youth
off the reservation
to government-sponsored
boarding schools in places like Carlisle, Pennsylvania, Hampton,
Virginia, and Lawrence, Kansas. Here, Indian children were
introduced to white
ways of thinking and acting, along with strict military discipline.
Long hair,
a symbol
of manhood for young men, was shorn in a close-cropped fashion.
Tribal dress was abandoned for the dark woolen uniforms similar
to those
worn by U.S.
soldiers. Speaking in one’s tribal language was strictly
forbidden; both written and oral communication was to be
done in the English
language. Those who rebelled
were chastised, or punished by the military instructors who
ran the school. The system worked quite effectively. Once
they entered
the
boarding school,
many students never returned to the reservation, seeking
instead to build a life in the white mainstream. Some, like
Charles Albert
Bender, came
to regret
the decision.
Bender, a standout pitcher for the Carlisle Indian Industrial
School, became the great hope of Native American athletes.
Just six years before
his arrival
at the central Pennsylvania boarding school, the federal
government, fresh from its final military encounter with
Indians at Wounded
Knee, South Dakota,
instigated an aggressive assimilation process designed
to extinguish Indian culture. Baseball was an important vehicle
in that process.
The game was
taught at all government-sponsored Indian boarding schools
as a means of cultivating
Anglo-American values of teamwork, sportsmanship, and individual
achievement. Those who excelled at the sport could enter
the white mainstream through
semipro and minor league ball.
Nicknamed “Mandowescence,” or “Little Spirit Animal,” Bender
grew up on the White Earth Indian Reservation near Brainerd, Minnesota, before
going east for a boarding school education, first at Philadelphia and later
at Carlisle. Along the way, he learned how to pitch so impressively that his
talent captured the attention of Connie Mack, who signed him to an A’s
contract in 1903. Bender was a soft-spoken, highly intelligent
individual whose dark complexion and coal-black hair
gave him the distinctive
appearance of
an American Indian, though he was the product of a mixed
marriage. Because of his physical appearance, he shouldered
the burden of
racism from the
very beginning of his career.
At Philadelphia’s Columbia Park, fans taunted him with war whoops and
such vitriolic jeers as “Back to the Reservation!” Teammates nicknamed
him “Chief,” considered a racial slur by Native Americans. Bender
also became a popular object of derision on the Philadelphia sports pages,
where he was often caricatured in buckskin, moccasins, and feathers. Nor was
he the only Indian ballplayer to suffer such indignities. More than 120 Native
American major leaguers—and dozens of others who played minor league
ball—were treated with mock disdain by white fans,
opponents, and sometimes even teammates. Public humiliation
was an inescapable
burden
for all Indian
athletes.
Because Native
Americans have told their history through oral tradition, there are few written
records
revealing
the Indian
perspective.
Not until 1969, with
the publication of Vine Deloria Jr.’s Custer
Died for Your Sins: An Indian Manifesto, did Native American writers succeed in reaching a mass audience
with published works on the discrimination of their peoples. Dee Brown’s
Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee: An Indian History
of the American West followed in 1971, paving the way
for other
revisionist
histories of the
Indian wars
and the evolution and nature of the reservation system.
Still others turned their attention to the Indian boarding
school
as a vehicle
for Indian assimilation.
These studies examine the relationship between policy
formation and education, specifically how reformers
and government
officials came
to view the
off-reservation boarding school as an instrument for
acculturating Indian youth to white ways
of thinking and behavior, as well as how educational
policy was translated into institutional practice and
how students
responded
to those efforts.
More recently,
historians have begun to explore the relationship between Indian assimilation
and sports,
especially baseball.
Harold Seymour
was the first
to point out that while Indian ballplayers might
have experienced discrimination, organized baseball still
accepted them
because their differences with
whites were “mainly cultural,” not “racial,” as
was the case with blacks, who were banned from
the professional game. Seymour’s argument
encouraged others to look more carefully at the
issue of American Indian discrimination. Ellen
J. Staurowsky’s insightful essay on Louis
Sockalexis (1998), for example, examined the cultural
exploitation of the first Native American major
leaguer, who inspired Cleveland’s “Indian” mascot
but was never credited for it. David L. Fleitz
and Brian McDonald followed, in 2002,
with detailed accounts of Sockalexis’s meteoric
rise to fame and equally rapid downfall. Both writers
offer a tragic tale of a young Native American
who was victimized by baseball, its owners, fans
and the press. Sockalexis was the object of tremendous
fascination as well as bigotry. As a student athlete
at Holy Cross College, his ability to run, hit,
and throw captured the imaginations
of scouts and the national media alike. But when
he arrived in Cleveland, his exceptional talent
was surpassed only by the war whoops and jeers
he received
each time he stepped onto a baseball diamond. Fleitz
and McDonald minimize Sockalexis’s role in
Indian integration, being primarily concerned with
his remarkable playing
feats
and struggle
with alcoholism. They
also dismiss
the possibility that he might have consciously
used baseball as a means of self-empowerment.
Jeff Powers-Beck,
in his work The American Indian Integration of Baseball (2004), goes further
than
these historians
by examining the mixed legacy
of Native
American ballplayers as well as the roots of discrimination
against them. Surveying the careers of more than
120 athletes of Indian
ancestry, he
argues that professional
baseball was “a crucible of both racial and cultural prejudices” against
Native Americans, who were forced to shoulder the burden of racism. Cartoonists
made them popular objects of derision on the sports pages. Fans taunted them
with war whoops and vitriolic jeers. Even teammates insulted them with nicknames
like “Chief,” “Nig,” “Squanto,” and “Kemosabe.” “This
was not simply a ‘cultural prejudice’ toward someone who lived
differently,” insists Powers-Beck. “It was a starkly racist prejudice
toward someone who looked different.” He adds that the roots of discrimination
can be traced to government-sponsored boarding schools like the Carlisle Industrial
School in central Pennsylvania. Carlisle used baseball “as a tool for
assimilation as well as for the prestige and profit of the school,” which
fielded some of the finest athletic talent in the nation. At the same time,
Powers-Beck views Indian ballplayers like Bender as assertive individuals who
used baseball as “a means of cultural resistance and a source of pride.” In
fact, Bender pursued a major league baseball career
in order to distance himself from his Indian heritage,
and
it was
a decision
that haunted
him for the rest
of his life.
Money Pitcher:
Chief Bender and the Tragedy of Indian Assimilation explores the life and
times
of Charles
A. Bender in the
context of American Indian
assimilation. In an era when baseball’s reputation
was forged by mean-spirited personalities like
Ty Cobb and John McGraw and
colorful characters like Shoeless Joe Jackson
and Rube Waddell, little attention has been paid
to Bender, who was one
of a very small group of unusually upstanding players.
What appeared to be a docile
nature, however, was a personal struggle to repress
the anger and frustration he felt against a white
society
and sport
that exploited
him personally
and financially. Eventually Bender sought revenge
by pitting the renegade Federal
League against the American League Athletics for
his services and by costing Mack a fourth world
championship.
Chapter 1 gives
a historical context for the book by examining the federal government’s Indian policy and its implications for Native American children.
Bender became a casualty of that policy. Sent east to Philadelphia for an education,
Mandowescence was one of hundreds of Indian children who were divorced from
their tribes in order to be acculturated into the white mainstream. After four
years away from the reservation, Bender returned to discover that he had no
future there and ran away to enroll at the Indian Industrial School at Carlisle,
Pennsylvania. Chapter 2 discusses the educational and acculturation experience
of Indian children at Carlisle. Between 1896 and 1902 Bender, like many of
the students, embraced the military regimen of the boarding school. He also
learned to play baseball, a sport at which he excelled as a pitcher. After
matriculating to nearby Dickinson College, Bender competed at the intercollegiate
level and, for pay, at the semiprofessional level. Offered a contract by the
Philadelphia Athletics in 1902, the young hurler decided to build a life in
the white man’s world through professional
baseball.
Chapters 3 and
4 chronicle the colorful—and controversial—origins
of Connie Mack’s Athletics in the brash and sooty environment of Philadelphia
at the turn of the century. Bender’s rise to stardom amid the racial
and cultural discrimination of a white urban society is detailed in these chapters.
The creation of Mack’s first championship dynasty between 1910 and 1914
is the subject of Chapter 5. Bender was a mainstay on those teams and one of
the few soft-spoken members of a rough-and-tumble gang of ballplayers known
collectively as the “White Elephants.” During these years he built
his reputation as Connie Mack’s “money pitcher,” the
hurler to be relied on in the single most important
game of a series.
The name “money pitcher” assumed a different meaning during the
last year of that remarkable dynasty. Caught in a battle over salary negotiations
with Mack, Bender, who was never paid more than $2,500 a season by the A’s,
was offered three times that amount to jump to the renegade Federal League.
Chapter 6 focuses on Bender’s decision to “pitch for more money,” a
choice that corrupted the 1914 World Series and raised the question of whether
the Chippewa hurler was involved in a game-fixing conspiracy or whether he
simply “lay down” when he was called upon to pitch the opening
game of the Fall Classic. It is a controversial event that is inextricably
tied to the game’s unsavory culture of
gambling, roster raiding, and financial exploitation
of players
in the early
twentieth century.
But the circumstantial
evidence against Bender is damning.
The Athletics,
who had captured three world championships in the previous four years,
were 10-to-6 favorites
going into
the 1914
World Series
against the
Boston Braves, a team whose offense and defense
were significantly inferior to Philadelphia’s. But the A’s lost the Series in four straight
games. The circumstances surrounding that blown championship suggest that some
members of the team purposely refused to give their best effort, being disgruntled
with Mack and his tightfisted ways. Chapter 6 explores in depth those circumstances
and Bender’s critical role in the tarnished
World Series.
Chapter 7 chronicles
the decline of the Indian hurler’s major league
career with the Baltimore Terrapins of the Federal League and the Philadelphia
Phillies of the National League, and how he resurrected himself as a pitcher-manager
for several minor league teams. At the same time, Bender’s attentions
turned increasingly to a more successful—and financially lucrative—life
off the playing field. Trading on his name, he worked first as a haberdasher
and later as the owner of a sporting goods store. He also increased his real
estate holdings by purchasing several properties in Cumberland County, Pennsylvania.
In short, Bender had finally learned how to become “successful” in
a white society based on the accumulation of land and capital, one that had
never fully accepted him because of his Native American heritage. The final
years of Bender’s life, and how he
reconciled his differences with Mack and
the Athletics,
are discussed
in Chapter 8.
Chapter 9 provides
some final thoughts on the achievement and tragedy of Charles
A.
Bender
in the context
of American Indian
assimilation.
Bender’s remarkable
playing career, which paved the way to the majors for dozens of American Indian
ballplayers, and the singular honor of being the first Native American to be
inducted into the National Baseball Hall of Fame, serve to underscore the tragic
legacy of his life—the abandonment of one’s native culture to chase
after the white man’s American Dream,
a dream that proved to be a personal nightmare.
It is the
same tragedy
of Indian assimilation
itself.
William C. Kashatus
Lake Silkworth, Pennsylvania
Spring 2005
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